In his youth, Raúl Capote was offered an infinite amount of money by the CIA to conspire in Cuba. But Capote was in fact working for Cuban national security, and began to serve as a double agent. In an interview with the Chávez Vive magazine, he has recently spoken from Havana about the CIA’s strategy in Venezuelan universities, media manipulation, and the fact that a US diplomat expelled by President Maduro last September was a CIA agent.
As a leader of a Cuban student movement which gave rise to the Saíz Brothers Cultural Association (AHS) – a group of young creators, painters, writers, and artists – he began to work in Cienfuegos in around 1988, where an electrical centre was being developed. The USA showed an interest in this development, as many young engineers trained in the USSR were thought to have adopted the idea of Perestroika. North Americans began to attend AHS meetings, though they didn’t identify themselves as officials of the CIA. They presented themselves as people with the ability to help with the financing of the project – representatives of literary publishers. Soon, however, the conditions for their funding were revealed. They demanded ‘realistic images’ of Cuba and its difficulties – based on the propaganda lines of anti-Cuban groups. They wanted to present Cuba as chaotic, and its political model as one that was hated by the people for bringing them poverty.
A lot of the money came from USAID, which channelled the money through NGOs created solely for this type of job in Cuba. Thousands and thousands of dollars were at the writers’ disposal, if of course they included the kind of material desired by the patrons. In around 1992, however, members of the AHS met and decided to expel these ‘financiers’. Capote says that, at this moment, these Americans began to visit with particular individuals, himself included. In fact, they succeeded in getting some of the individuals to leave the country with them.
In 1994, Capote went to Havana, where he began to work for, and later direct, the Union of Cultural Workers – a union of 40,000 members in the capital. A female professor from a new university soon introduced herself, promising to kick-start the production of his literary work. This was when he began to act as a double agent, taking part in the CIA’s plans for Cuba.
In 2004, Kelly Keiderling – well known in Venezuela – came to work in Havana as Chief of the Office of Press and Culture. At a party, Capote met with 12 North American and European functionaries experienced in preparing ‘revolutions’ in the former Soviet Bloc. He began to receive special training from Keiderling. The following year, she began to distance herself, just as she had begun to put him in direct contact with CIA officials. One of these was Mark Waterhein, head of Project Cuba and directly linked to the financing of anti-revolutionary projects in Cuba and Venezuela. A foundation, called Genesis, was soon created, aimed at the university youth of Cuba. Something similar was happening in Venezuela, trying to convert them into factories for reactionaries. Leaders were soon trained by students from Yugoslavia, financed by the International Republican Institute (IRI), funded in turn by USAID and by the Albert Einstein Institute.
Training scholarships were to be given to Cuban student leaders and professors. In 2003, the US Interests Section in Havana prepared a course called “Deposing a leader, deposing a dictator”, based on the OTPOR’s experience of removing Slobodan Milosevic from power. Students would be provided with scholarships to big North American universities, where they would be trained as leaders, with all expenses paid. One of the most important missions of the university leaders was to occupy the leadership of the main youth organisations of their universities. In Cuba, these would be the Union of Communist Youth and the University Student Federation. That way, the groups would be ready for “non-violent wars” or “soft coups”.
One of the prime targets for such funding would be university professors unhappy with their institutions – those who felt unappreciated or unrecognised. They would then be sent to special courses at big universities to improve their curriculums. Their influence would increase significantly upon their return to their own university, as they would be recognised as leading figures in their specialties.
In Cuba, they didn’t have too much success. Capote himself, as a double agent, tried to slow down the infiltration process as much as possible. He knew that The Genesis Foundation for Freedom was hoping the leaders they had trained would emerge as key political figures when the Castro brothers died. Their discourse would appear to be revolutionary but, in reality, it would represent the ideals of the traditional right-wing. When Fidel’s health began to fail in 2006, the counterrevolutionaries thought that internal conflict would tear Cuba apart and that the time had come to act.
The CIA station chief met with Capote in Havana, along with other members of staff, and began to organise a ‘popular uprising’. They wanted to force Cuban security forces to act against people ‘rising up for democracy’. They had chosen Alci Ferrer, a young doctor, to be the ringleader of the uprising, planned for Fidel’s birthday. Capote told his colleagues that the People would respond harshly, but they said that such a response would be perfect for media coverage. If he was to die or be injured, a huge media campaign would be orchestrated to demonstrate that civilians and students were being killed or repressed in the streets by the police of an incompetent government – just as they want people to believe about Venezuela today.
The final task would be for the student leaders to gather the international press and publicly ask the government of the United States to intervene in Cuba, to bring peace to the Cuban people. Such a tactic worked in Libya, where 80% of the information released had been fabricated, and similar things have happened in Syria and Ukraine.
In every embassy in Latin America, according to Capote, the US embassies have CIA officials, using the façade of diplomatic functionaries. When he visited Venezuela in 2012, for example, he saw the people he had worked with in Cuba, such as Kelly Keiderling. In the current protests, there are images which are so obviously not from Venezuela, he says. There is no TV station that acts on its own, with most being owned by the same people who make warplanes and arms.
It’s a strategy, Capote affirms, that worked with leaders like Milosevic because his image had taken such a beating as a result of his war crimes. The same has recently happened in Ukraine, where Yanukovych had very little popular support. However, where there are solid governments, and people prepared to defend them, such plans have failed.
They will keep trying to perfect it, though, emphasises Capote. As long as governments try to propose alternatives to the capitalist world order, there will be attempts to destabilise them. The big transnationals cannot change the fact that countries like Cuba, through political will, have accomplished things that the USA has not been able to, regardless of all the money it has. Even with billions of dollars spent every day on counterrevolutionary tactics, people can only be fooled for so long. Once protesting workers throughout the world see what socialist governments actually manage to achieve, instead of believing everything the mass media tells them, the capitalist system will find itself in serious danger.
Unity is the only way to defeat their propaganda, destabilisation, and attacks. Diversity is important, but there must be unity as a nation against imperialists, and unity within the alternative projects. The only army that can defeat such actions is that of the People. When the People have not been protagonists in defence of revolutions, they have fallen. But in Cuba, for example, the People have managed to fight off the CIA millions of times, because they have demonstrated their commitment to independence.
Capote then goes on to talk about US control of the internet, emphasising how Wikileaks and Edward Snowden have shown us that the USA has immense control over servers and the internet in general. They have access to all the information, he says, and they don’t hesitate to record it.
As far as a solution to CIA and US interference in the politics of other nations is concerned, Capote calls us to reflect on the ideological commitment of those working for the USA. Kelly Keiderling, for example, who was expelled from Venezuela for conspiring against the government, is a very intelligent agent, very well prepared, very capable, and very convinced of what she’s doing, according to Capote. She is an unconditional representative of capitalism because she comes from within the capitalist elite.
In order to combat such commitment, he says, it is incredibly important for alternative processes to train their own leaders. Any project that is left unattended is one that enemies will try to take advantage of. And if they succeed in getting youngsters to believe that the savagery of capitalism is the solution to all their problems, there will be no change or revolution.
Adapted from http://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/10533